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By Zhao Chu, published: August 4, 2015
This article has been making the rounds on social media in China. It was published a year ago following the demolition of churches or crosses in the prosperous coastal Zhejiang province (watch a Telegraph video here). China Change’s recent interview with a local pastor sheds more light on the still ongoing campaign and the rising Christian resistance. – The Editors
Recently, many Christian places of worship have been forcibly demolished by local governments throughout China. The odd thing about this is that the great majority of these churches and other places of worship hadn’t just suddenly appeared on their own; rather, they had been constructed over the course of the past 30 years. In fact, during this gradual process of construction, local governments have turned a blind eye and pretended not to notice. Otherwise, given China’s system of tight control, these facilities could never have been built in the first place.
This means, in other words, that the present large-scale campaign to destroy every cross in sight nationwide represents the will of the new leadership group. Consequently, those who observe Chinese society and politics ought to pay attention to the conflict between those carrying out this campaign and those faithful who are determined to protect their churches.
Over the course of history, there has been no shortage of fierce social conflicts over religious belief. Everyone knows how in the Middle Ages the Christian countries of Europe launched the Crusades against the rising power of Islam. The tragic conflicts between Christians holding different religious views were part of the transformation of Europe into modern nation-states, with those conflicts coming to an end only after the Thirty Years’ War. Like those conflicts inside Europe, deadly confrontations over sectarian religious differences continue to this day to fuel many of the trouble-spots in the Middle East.
Setting aside the discussion about the truth of religion and faith, and unburdening ourselves of the disputes and divisions that always come with the discussions, we look at China’s evolving policies toward religion over the years in terms of societal change and governance.
There’s been an obvious resurgence of religious fervor in China over the past 30 years. Stigmatized and subjected to severe punishment after 1949, China’s religious communities first started to see their positive image restored after introduction of the policies of “reform and opening” [in the late 1970s]. This is because of the central role religious communities play in the “United Front” policy—one of the “Three Great Strategic Magic Weapons” supporting the historical rule of the Communist Party. In the Chinese context, religion is implicated in the policies governing ethnic regions like Xinjiang, Ningxia, Tibet, and Qinghai. Therefore, softening policies toward religious repression can be said to have been a prerequisite for promoting control in those regions.
As for the rest of China, the rapid spread of religion—particularly Christianity—reflects society’s spiritual longing in the wake of the utter failure to promote Bolshevism as a substitute for religious faith. Especially in economically developed areas and among the middle class, people are searching for some sort of spiritual center from which to reconstruct an ethical life that enables individuals to settle into and get on with their lives in a world full of drastic and kaleidoscopic change.
Put simply, though expanding ties with the outside world have provided an entry to foreign religious missionaries, the spread of Christianity in China is first and foremost a product of conditions within Chinese society. This is demonstrated by the fact that, over the past several years, continued repression of house churches and religious groups outside of official control has done absolutely nothing to diminish people’s fervor for religion.
Political and social changes over the past 30 years have brought earth-shaking changes to the old structures of politics and power in China. Even though these structures remain quite rigid, they have actually undergone major changes in step with the times. Few people realize that use of the phrase “socialism with Chinese characteristics” itself demonstrates that the authorities have already acknowledged the failure of the Bolshevik theocracy they established at the cost of so much blood. Even though the regime still strives to preserve dictatorship, its strategy of “putting economic construction at the core of everything” for nearly 30 years is equivalent to announcing that the state has retreated to the realm of economic life. In doing so, it gave up trying to dominate the realm of spiritual life and returned control to society and individuals. This is another reason why local governments focused solely on other sorts of development turned a blind eye to the religious wave sweeping over China.
Careful observers will discover that for most of the past 30 years, generally speaking, even though the government has in theory opposed the development of any religious activity outside of official control, it in fact never employed particularly advanced policies of strong confrontation. Religion continued to develop in pace with the economy. Up until recently, those with power rushed to make money and everyone tried to live in peace with one another.
Therefore, if you want to understand today’s policy of strong repression against religion, you must consider the serious and comprehensive social crises now facing contemporary Chinese society. When local governments depart from their habitual way of doing things and start doing battle with religion at any cost, this is really a reflection of how China’s top leaders assess the overall situation and their basic political agenda.
These crises exist first of all on the economic level. There’s the potential collapse of the overall state-led economy and financial sectors and the resulting collapse of local finances and governance capacity. Then there’s the crisis of large-scale public opposition sparked by various issues related to economic development. Given the overall depletion of economic resources and efficiency, the authorities are most fearful about the basic security of the political regime. Particularly after big problems arose in places like Tibet and Xinjiang, where religious and ethnic groupings essentially coincide, religion is itself now seen as a major potential threat to the security of the political regime. Recent terrorist attacks have only brought this problem even more out in the open.
Ordinary religious believers, especially Christians and their clergy, have typically been cautious in their attitudes toward political and social problems in China. Even so, Christianity has become the primary target of the current attack. Clearly, then, the new round of religious repression has no direct connection to the specific social activities of religious believers but comes from some other set of considerations.
There are two main considerations. First, as the prospect of social crisis becomes clearer, the sense of group identity and influence provided by faith-based groups can turn into a powerful framework for social opposition. There is strong evidence for this in the role played by churches in the transformation of Eastern Europe and South Africa. You can already see signs of this in the way that Christians are joining to protect their churches through silent confrontation.
Second, Christian churches exemplify the Chinese religious community’s refusal to accept official control. This has made a regime determined to exert direct control over everything sense their potential will to engage in social confrontation. This is exactly the kind of thing that the Chinese authorities have historically been unwilling to tolerate, and this has basically been the source of all previous conflict and friction.
Just like the ancient story of the innocent man punished on account of his most cherished piece of jade, it’s the potential social and political capacity of Christians that is the fundamental reason for the uncompromising repression they face. There is still deeper social significance to this point.
One should also consider the practical factors behind the choice to attack Christians: while the other main religions are connected to the complex situations in China’s ethnic regions, Christians live primarily in the heartland of China. And as I’ve said before, they have been comparatively low-key, politically. It’s for these reasons that they were chosen to be the first targets of repression – in other words, because the authorities calculated that repressing Christians would be less likely to arouse troublesome political opposition. This doesn’t mean that the authorities haven’t employed similar kinds of repressive measures against other religions. In fact, over these several years, the authorities in China’s western regions have already adopted many repressive measures targeting Buddhist temples and Islamic customs.
The Chinese Communist Party’s mindset is already fixed regarding how to deal the current social crisis: politically they have determined to maintain the legacy of the Maoist past, and rejected constitutionalism and a new system of tolerance toward religion and society. Instead, they think their only logical choice is to revert to the past ways and rebuild a centralized and integrated new Stalinist system. In the process, all religious activity that refuses to submit to direct official control and supervision and the current ambiguous state of peace will all naturally have to come to an end.
Therefore, we can see from the ongoing undeclared war against religion that the confrontation between the religious faithful and the authorities is more about making a fundamental choice between two ways of life than it is a conflict between the religious and secular worlds. On the one hand, there’s a world in which one is free to practice one’s religion, where there is tolerance toward those of different religions, and where control over spiritual life is returned to the people themselves. On the other hand, we’re faced with saying farewell to religious freedom and turning our lives over once again to the religious affairs bureau and the endless string of party secretaries and mayors, just as we did during the 30 years after 1949.
In this respect, China’s current 21st-century war against religion is destined to be like those other religious conflicts over the course of history. Unless the side of religious freedom is victorious and society is given the basic political conditions to be able to provide institutional support to religious diversity and tolerance, there will never be any other possibility of compromise.
On this basis we can make a preliminary prediction of how this conflict will progress in the future. The authorities will become increasingly harsh and brutal, inevitably leading Christians who have always been politically low-key to develop broader and more heightened political consciousness. This is exactly how things developed in Eastern Europe and South Africa—there is nothing specifically Chinese or religious about it.
Zhao Chu (赵楚) is a Shanghai-based independent commentator and a long time researcher on international strategy, global military and social issues in China.
Interview with a Wenzhou Pastor: The Chinese Government’s Large-Scale Destruction of Crosses in Zhejiang Province, by Yaxue Cao, China Change, July 29, 2015.
Source 《赵楚：正在上演的中国宗教战争》, translated by China Change.
Interview with a Wenzhou Pastor: The Chinese Government’s Large-Scale Destruction of Crosses in Zhejiang Province
By Yaxue Cao, published: July 29, 2015
Yaxue spoke with Pastor L in Wenzhou on July 26.
YC: I began paying attention to the demolition of churches and tearing-down of crosses in Zhejiang last year after reading many international media reports on the demolition of the Sanjiang Church (三江教堂) in Wenzhou. Recently there’s been a resurgence of cross-removals, and the daily news items and images of this are quite shocking. It seems the Chinese government is determined to tear down every cross in Zhejiang!
I’ve also read the statements issued both this year and last year by clergy and believers in Zhejiang, including from churches that are acknowledged and even, to a certain degree, led by the Chinese government, such as the statement from the Christian Council of Zhejiang. It seems as if Christians in Zhejiang are at the point where they can no longer tolerate it any further.
Although there have been some foreign media coverage of these events, I feel that the outside world—including myself—doesn’t really understand very well how things got to this point. I hope that you can provide me and our readers with an “introductory 101 class” to help us gain a basic understanding of what’s going on.
Let’s start by talking about the demolition of the Sanjiang Church in April 2014. That was an extremely impressive church, and the images of its destruction are extremely shocking. Why did they want to tear down the Sanjiang Church?
L: The Sanjiang Church was an architectural landmark in Wenzhou. Situated in a good location opposite Wangjiang Road, it had just been built and was in the process of being fitted out but it was already being used for services. It was not the original plan to build such a large church, but the government gave encouragement for a larger building because Wenzhou has a lot of people living overseas and foreign tourists, and the authorities wanted it to become a tourist attraction.
At that point, Zhejiang Chinese Communist Party Secretary Xia Baolong (夏宝龙) came to Wenzhou. He’s the one who ordered that the church be torn down. The local government in Wenzhou has always been rather tolerant regarding religious buildings. Occasionally, there would be forced demolitions for redevelopment, but local officials would have never torn down such a large structure. So, we knew from the beginning that this was not the work of the local government in Wenzhou and had to have come from higher up.
Some online have said that Xia Baolong gave the order because he felt uncomfortable when he saw the size of the Sanjiang Church. But I think the more reliable explanation is that Xia had in fact already planned to tear down crosses all over Zhejiang. Even before the Sanjiang Church was demolished, there had already been cross removals elsewhere in Zhejiang since perhaps February. There was a great deal of discussion about this among Christians, a lot of it expressing surprise: “Why tear down crosses?” So the destruction of the Sanjiang Church was actually only the climax of this campaign.
Opposition to the demolition of the Sanjiang Church lasted about a week as groups of Christians began spontaneously arriving to defend the church. Several thousands camped out there inside the church to try to defend it, day and night. But we voluntarily withdrew late at night on April 26. There were several reasons for this. First, armed police had arrived and there would definitely be bloodshed if we continued to resist. Normally, they would send SWAT police, and they came so regularly we didn’t fear them. That day, the entire hillside was surrounded by SWAT vehicles and armed-police vehicles, and armed police were hiding out in the surrounding greenbelt areas. They’d already shut down all roads and entrances within a radius of miles. The government was very nervous, as they’d never encountered this kind of resistance and solidarity before. The church itself came under too much pressure from the government, who said that there were Xinjiang terrorists mixed among us. We could have actually continued to hold out, but it definitely would have resulted in big trouble.
On April 28, Sanjiang Church came tumbling down. From that point on, the dam burst. Wenzhou began to tear down crosses on a grand scale. All along the way, there has been resistance. The most serious was on July 21, 2014, in Pingyang County (平阳水头救恩堂), when SWAT police rushed protesters and started beating them. Fourteen people were injured, two or three of them quite seriously. The foreign media reported on this, using hidden-camera footage of the violence. But the churches have always exercised restraint. They could have mobilized a great number of people to oppose the demolitions, but that would lead to casualties on both sides.
After the incident on July 21, Christians went to the government seeking accountability for the police action and emotions were running high. Pastor Huang Yizi (黄益梓) held prayers at the scene of the protest and was subsequently sentenced to a year in prison.
YC: Was the July 21 incident about demolishing a church or tearing down a cross?
L: It was about tearing down a cross. The authorities claimed to be tearing down an illegal structure, but they only tore down the cross, not the part of the construction that was actually in violation.
After the July 21 incident, there was a great decrease in incidents of cross-removal and things quieted down for several months. But at the end of June and beginning of July 2015, we began receiving a large number of verbal notices that crosses needed to be torn down. And unlike the previous times, this time they wanted to tear them all down.
For example, all 135 crosses in Pingyang County must be torn down. There were more than 50 crosses in Lucheng District (鹿城区) – all must be taken down. East of here, in Yuhuan County (玉环县), they also wanted to tear down more than 50 crosses. In the area around Wenling City (温岭), they’re planning to remove all 168 crosses. [NOTE: Yuhuan and Wenling are both part of Taizhou (台州), northeast of Wenzhou.] To this point they’ve already torn down around 1,500 crosses. This is obviously a campaign specifically targeted at taking down crosses.
Actually, around the time that the Sanjiang Church was demolished we saw a leaked internal document that talked about things like the “political meaning behind the crosses” and “infiltration by foreign forces.” Since this document was leaked, they no longer circulate these sorts of written documents.
YC: What’s the current situation like?
L: Things are very different now from before. Resistance is much more widespread and difficult to suppress. Resistance used to be isolated and focused on a particular church. Now, with this campaign of total demolition, everyone feels like this is no longer simply about tearing down crosses. It’s not merely about symbols—they want to attack your beliefs. Everyone feels like this is the beginning of a deeper repression, where they first do away with your symbols and then attack at a deeper level, destroying your internal organization, your doctrine, your church finances, even your pulpits.
For example, no matter whether you’re a “Three-Self Patriotic Church” (church sanctioned by the government) or a “house church,” no one discusses government policies or regulations on Sundays. Now, they want us to take time during our Sunday worship to let religious-affairs officials talk about religious policies and regulations from the pulpit. This has led to extremely fierce opposition—no one’s willing to allow this.
It wasn’t like this before. At worst, you’d see the Chinese government cultivate a group of people within the church to act as its proxies, and the things they wanted publicized tended to be some government policies, like aligning moral education with official ideology. But you cannot tamper with doctrine or turn pulpits over to religious-affairs cadres. There’s even resistance to this from inside the “Three-Self churches.”
YC: Over the last few days I’ve seen an open letter from the Christian Council of Zhejiang (浙江省基督教协会). They seem extremely upset. What do you think of their announcement?
L: There are a few different reasons behind this. The vast majority of crosses torn down are from “Three-Self” churches. The government set up these “Three-Self” churches to bring churchgoers into their “United Front.” But the authorities have stopped using the relatively flexible methods they’d always used in the past, so the official churches feel they’ve gone too far. For one thing, the authorities’ actions aren’t in line with the Communist Party’s own religious policies. For another, many Christians complain about the official churches, which makes the official churches feel that they’ve lost their ability to function as a “bridge” between the faithful and the government. It’s become impossible for them to convince church members. They feel that if they don’t speak out, they’ll lose all credibility.
YC: I saw one report that after the Zhejiang Christian Council published its open letter, the government confiscated its official seal. I find the government’s arrogant and insulting behavior simply hard to believe. They treat churches with absolutely no respect, like a violent master towards a lowly slave. So it’s little surprise that they act in this barbaric manner, tearing down crosses and violating the religious rights of Christians.
You said a moment ago that the resistance of Christians is now more difficult to suppress. What form is their opposition taking and how is it being expressed?
L: It takes many forms. Many churches have people join hands to form a “human wall.” We also call this the “snail strategy,” where we stick to a place just like a snail. There’s also the “honeybee strategy,” where a bunch of people gather together and pester them. They typically come at night to carry out the demolition, so if you pester them for several hours they get tired and leave. Those churches that have been able to protect their crosses have done so through these methods.
YC: Oh, some have succeeded in defending their crosses?
L: Yes, quite a few have been protected.
There’s also the strategy of piling up stones to block the road leading to the church. This is used quite often in rural areas. The more rural a place, the stronger the resistance. I saw a photo of one location where they even demolished a bridge to block the demolition. There’s also a lot of banners and loudspeakers. Many places in the Cangnan plains (苍南平原) have been broadcasting legal-education recordings from loudspeakers toward the people who come to tear down the crosses—things like: “Article 36 of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China guarantees its citizens freedom of religious belief. There is no legal basis for what you police are doing.”
YC: Are you seeing armed police or SWAT teams these days?
L: Yes, especially SWAT police. Armed police were deployed at Sanjiang, but now you don’t see them much. When the resistance is not so fierce, they use private security guards.
Churches don’t have protest experience, so their organizational capacity is rather weak. This is because for several decades, churches have responded to various threats through avoidance, non-resistance, and passive retreat. Now, they’re defending their crosses and there’s no way to escape. Several hundred churches have hired lawyers to sue local officials. Some are calling for the removal of Xia Baolong. Someone proposed that an image of Xia Baolong be made with a cross drawn over his face. Pastors and believers also use social media to broadcast latest development and photos of the scenes. A single post can get reposted tens of thousands of times in a single day if it doesn’t get censored immediately. As soon as it gets censored, another gets put up again and reposted tens of thousands more times. There are many ways of protesting. We’re mobilizing the imaginations of our fellow believers.
YC: Are any churches that had their crosses torn down putting up new ones in their place?
L: Lots of them. They put up new crosses right after they’re torn down.
YC: What do you anticipate will happen next?
L: Believers are manufacturing a large number of crosses out of both wood and acrylic glass. They say, “Go ahead and tear down the crosses. We can’t fight you, so we’ll put crosses on our cars and hang them from our homes. We’ll put them up on the side of the road or on a mountaintop. We’ll put up crosses all over.” It’s not easy to put a large cross back up on the roof of a church. You need to hire many experts and spend tens of thousands.
YC: In its open letter, the Zhejiang Christian Council says that there are more than 2 million Christians in Zhejiang.
L: That’s a very conservative estimate. There are over a million in Wenzhou alone. Wenzhou is unlike large cities like Beijing or Shanghai. It’s mostly made up of small towns, and there are churches everywhere. Each of these places of worship has hundreds of people. Even churches in remote areas have over a hundred people. It’s rare to see churches with fewer than a hundred people.
YC: Can you tell me about the social background of Christians in Wenzhou? For example, what sort of people join your own church? What’s their level of education, occupational background, and so on?
L: There are all sorts of people and people of all ages. There are many who are in business and many are intellectuals. We also have a lot of elderly people. There are also many Christians among the ranks of civil servants.
YC: Do they come to church openly?
L: Of course they do! But now they’re encountering great difficulties. I have a friend—a university professor—who resigned because of unbearable pressure. They used all sorts of different means to threaten him. Many of the doctors and nurses at the Wenzhou Medical College and its affiliated hospitals are Christians, and they too have come under pressure. There are also many Christians among middle-school- and primary-school teachers. They’re also well represented in early-childhood education, where Christians have an advantage because they learn to dance and play the piano in their churches from an early age. Now, however, kindergartens are refusing to hire Christians. It wasn’t like this before.
There are also a lot of young people who are Christians, and each church will have a youth fellowship organization. There are also summer fellowship camps for students, attended by dozens from a single church and several hundreds from a parish—all young people.
YC: I have another question. Given that this campaign to tear down crosses has become a focus of international attention, do you think the campaign is the work of the provincial government? I don’t see how it can be.
L: We’ve been having quite a heated debate on this point recently. There are two opinions. The first—mainly made up of people from the south—believes that this is the work of the central government, something either being led or condoned by Xi Jinping. The second view is held primarily by northerners, who believe this is a local action. This includes people overseas in Hong Kong and North America—those who study religion and research government-church relations mainly think this is a local action. But here in the south, people inside the church have a hunch that this is the work of the central government.
YC: This north-south division you describe is within the clergy, right?
L: It also includes people within institutions, university researchers, and public intellectuals.
YC: When it comes to tearing down crosses, is any distinction being made between Catholic churches and Protestant churches?
L: No. All are seeing their crosses torn down.
YC: Which is more predominant in Wenzhou, Catholicism or Protestantism?
L: There are more Protestants, but Catholicism is quite strong, too. There are two main streams of Protestant Christians in Wenzhou. The two earliest originated with the United Methodist Free Church and the China Inland Mission, now known as the Overseas Missionary Fellowship (OMF). Both came originally from Britain. These account for the two main denominations of Protestant Christianity in Wenzhou. There is also the Church of Seventh-Day Adventists, as well as the Christian assembly churches, similar to the Church of the Brethren. All four of these denominations are seeing their crosses torn down, without any distinction.
YC: Can you say a few words to explain a bit about the differences between “Three-Self” churches and “house churches”?
L: There isn’t too much difference in terms of doctrine. The government once wanted to change a core doctrine of the “Three-Self” church, namely the “doctrine of sola fide” (or “justification based solely on faith”). House churches and “Three-Self” churches all insist on this doctrine.
K.H. Ting (丁光训), a bishop recognized by the government, once proposed a doctrine of justification based on love. They wanted to change the doctrine in this way but were unsuccessful. Also, house churches don’t tailor their ethical guidance to official ideology. The second difference is that clergy in the “Three-Self” church are appointed and approved through official channels, while those in the house churches are not.
YC: Aren’t all of the churches that had their crosses torn down “Three-Self” churches? Can “house churches” be so large?
L: In Zhejiang, many house churches employ roundabout ways to build similarly large church buildings.
YC: I’ve heard people call Wenzhou “China’s Jerusalem.” I’ve seen so many extravagant church buildings in photos. Can you explain briefly why Christianity is so flourishing in Wenzhou and in Zhejiang? First, am I correct in this judgment? Is Christianity particularly flourishing in Zhejiang?
L: It’s true. Missionaries from countries like Great Britain, the United States, and other countries began proselytizing in Ningbo (宁波), Hangzhou (杭州), Wenzhou, Taizhou (台州) back in the 1880s and became long-term settlers here. So, there’s a historical source for Christianity in Wenzhou. From early on, Wenzhou’s trade with the outside world was very developed, and this is another important reason.
There is a strong practical and utilitarian flavor to the religious belief of people in Wenzhou. If I’m engaged in business or any other enterprise, I want to seek the blessings of God. If someone goes into business, he seeks the prayers and blessings of people in his church. After giving birth, you seek the prayers and blessings of the church so that your child may do well in school.
So, when Wenzhou merchants go to do business in Beijing, Shanghai, or other large cities, they immediately set up their own places of worship and devote at least one night a week to worship. As long as there are people from Wenzhou, there will definitely be a church for them. There are also a large number of Wenzhou Christians living overseas in places like Paris, Rome, New York and Los Angeles.
When people from Wenzhou make money and become prosperous, they voluntarily donate fund to build big churches. Once people rode bicycles; now they all drive cars. When they come to church they need places to park, so of course churches need to expand. In the past, when it was hot people fanned themselves to keep cool or installed electric fans; now you definitely need air-conditioning. People’s standard of living has improved, and church buildings also need upgrading. Why should churches be any different from government buildings in that respect?
YC: I notice that nearly all the crosses that have been torn down from churches in Wenzhou are red. Why is that?
L: This is a meaning being expressed there. Christianity has encountered several decades of repression in China. In the 20 years from 1958 to 1978, China banned Christian worship and Christians were all forced underground. Life was extremely difficult for Christians during those years. They had to gather secretly, hiding in the mountains or in other places where nobody went. There were no place to purchase the Bible, so they hand-copied it and shared with each other. If you got caught, they would confiscate your Bible.
Everyone was very happy when Hu Yaobang (胡耀邦) lifted the ban on religious belief in 1978. Older Christians shed so much blood and so many tears for their faith. They didn’t care much about or have a deep understanding of theology, but when they built churches they insisted that the churches be taller than their houses and that the crosses should stand up tall. What they were expressing is this: In the past, we weren’t free; now we want to show that our churches exist. So the crosses were built very tall and kept illuminated at night with a red light. The church is a city upon a hill. Christians are the light of the world. We want to shine in all directions.
Yaxue Cao (曹雅学) edits this website. Follow her on Twitter @YaxueCao.
The Ongoing War Against Religion in China, by Zhao Chu, China Change, August 4, 2015.
Source 《与一位温州牧师的访谈：中国在浙江省大规模强拆十字架》, translated by China Change.
More photo are available here.
By China Change, published: February 12, 2014
On January 24, 2014, when all eyes were on the New Citizens Movement trials, in Tongzhou District, Beijing (北京通州区), police detained more than a dozen house church Christians and, two days later on January 26, 12 of them were announced to have been criminally detained. In recent days, rights lawyers have become involved in representing their case.
On the afternoon of Friday, January 24, when Xu Yonghai (徐永海), the elder of the Beijing house church “Holy Love Fellowship” (圣爱团契) and 17 or 18 others were studying the Bible in the home of one of their members, the police descended on them claiming that they had received a “report about a gathering of many people.” The police took all but four old or sick ones to the local police station without showing any legal document.
In the police station, each was interrogated two to three times. Mr. Xu Yonghai was released later but, in the morning of January 26, police officer took him away again.
On the same day, the police announced the criminal detention of Xu Yong hai (徐永海), Yang Jing (杨靖), Yu Yanhua (于艳华), Xu Caihong (徐彩虹), Lu Dongli (吕动力), Ju Xiaoling (居小玲), Zhang Haiyan (张海彦), Wang Su’e (王素娥), Yang Min (杨敏), Kang Suping (康素萍), Yang Qiuyu (杨秋雨), and Wang Chunyan (王春艳) for alleged illegal assembly, parade and demonstration. They are currently detained in the Beijing Municipal First Detention Center.
On February 11, Beijing-based human rights lawyer Liang Xiaojun (梁小军) met with Mr. Xu Yonghai at the detention center.
According to the lawyer, for 17 days since his detention, Mr. Xu Yonghai has been fasting and praying, but he seemed to be in good spirits and he still wore his contagious smile as ever. Mr. Xu thanked everyone for their concern and regretted the detention of so many of his church brothers and sisters.
Mr. Xu Yonghai’s wife told the Chinese rights defense network weiquanwang (维权网) that, the family has not received any legal document although Mr. Xu has been criminally detained for over two weeks already.
Just days before their detention, when the house church congregated in the same home for a Bible study session, an official from Tongzhou District Civil Affairs Bureau by the name Fu Haibing (付海兵) came and told the congregation that “you are illegal because you have not registered.”
Mr. Xu Yonghai told weiquanwang that the official then read Article 12 of the Regulations on Religious Affairs to the group: “Collective religious activities of religious citizens shall, in general, be held at registered sites for religious activities (i.e., Buddhist monasteries, Taoist temples, mosques, churches and other fixed premises for religious activities), organized by the sites for religious activities or religious bodies, and presided over by religious personnel or other persons who are qualified under the prescriptions of the religion concerned, and the process of such activities shall be in compliance with religious doctrines and canons.”
Having read Article 12, the official went on to say, “Any group with more than two or three people would constitute a collective body. Since you have not registered, your assembly here is illegal.”
According to Mr. Xu, the official also said, “We have the enforcement authority. We can ban an illegal church in accordance with the law. And when we do, we can confiscate Bibles and other religious publications.”
Mr. Xu Yonghai told weiquanwang that the Holy Love Fellowship began in 1989 and has existed for nearly 25 years, and that although he was put in jail twice for his belief, the Civil Affairs office has never asked them to register, nor has the group ever been identified as being illegal.
More rights lawyers are getting involved in representing these house church detainees.
Mr. Xu Yonghai graduated from Beijing Medical College in 1984, worked in several hospitals in Beijing, and became a Christian in 1989. In 1995, Xu was given two years of reeducation-through-labor for signing an appeal for democracy and rule of law to commemorate the 6th anniversary of Tian’anmen movement. In 2003, he was sentenced to two years in jail for helping a persecuted house church in the northeastern city of Anshan (辽宁鞍山). Since his release in 2006, he has often been subjected to house arrest and surveillance, and has not been able to resume his medical profession.
Xu Yonghai’s blog: http://blog.boxun.com/hero/xuyonghai/